Employee Participation in Decision Making Essay

Employee Participation in Decision Making - Essay Example This paper will deeply discuss the concept of employee participation in decision making by giving a specific focus on current issues associated with this management approach. Definition, elements of employee participation As a modern approach to creative human resources management applications, corporations encourage employee participation in response to their quality movement needs within the organisational framework. Employee participation can be simply defined as the â€Å"part of a process of empowerment in the workplace whereby employees are involved in decision-making processes, rather than simply acting on orders† (Singh & Kumar, 2011, p.381). There are numerous employee participation programmes to make sure that every employee gets the opportunity to take part in decision making process. According to Parasuraman (2007), Quality circles, suggestions schemes, consultation exercises and meetings, delegation of responsibility, and multi-channel decision making process are the major approaches designed to promote employee participation. ... gements provide their employees with effective communication channels whereby they (employees) are able to suggest innovative ideas to the top level management. Often, managements motivate their employees with financial and other forms of reward for making potential and promising suggestions. In addition, some organisations conduct consultation exercises and meetings to empower their employees and thereby contribute to operational efficiency. Through such practices, managements arrange a common platform for their employees to join together and share work/growth improvement ideas. Top executives listen to those employees suggestions and accept potential improvement ideas. Delegation of responsibility among employees is another potential element of employee participation. Since ground level employees need to directly interact with customers, they are given the power to make decisions for themselves and for the organisation. Finally, the multi-channel decision making process assists the organisation to ensure that its decisions are not made in a downward direction. In other words, a series of upward and downward communications are made before forming a business decision under this approach. Significance of employee participation According to modern management practitioners, the concept of employee participation is a key tool to ensure business success. In the words of Moorhead and Griffin (2009, p. 127), this approach would assist the organisation to effectively promote employee motivation. When employees are trusted and involved in the firm’s decision making process, they feel that they are an integral part of the organisation; and this positive feeling itself would motivate employees to contribute their best to the company’s growth (ibid). In other words, the

Significant experiences in my life , how it impact on my life and what Essay

Significant experiences in my life , how it impact on my life and what i have learned from it - Essay Example His death made me a more realistic person. It all happened very sudden! No one expected that he would get cancer, but I believe that it was God’s will. To be brief and precise, my brother in law’s death was my most significant experience in my life. And it changed me forever. My brother in law had thought me simple and profound lessons in life. He said that life gives us opportunities and chances to be better. Although he was not able to change his fate, he believed that if he was still alive, he would still search for opportunities to make his life better! The most memorable lesson I learned from him was about suffering and making sacrifices. He had advised me to study abroad, specifically in the United States, for it is an integral part of success. I remember him saying, â€Å"studying abroad will be more difficult than what you think Ahmed!† But you have to make sacrifices if you want to achieve more in the future. No one knows what the future holds. Preparation should be made while you are young and healthy. By studying abroad, he said that I would be given the privilege to meet other people from other culture and be given the chance to learn a multitude of things from different context. After studies, I would have a greater advantage to apply the skills developed abroad and thereby giving me more chance to be of help to my family and countrymen. Significant experiences are moments in life that create change not only in ones present period of life, but also dramatically alter ones view of the future. This, actually, is happening to me now. I have believed it. Although my brother in law’s death was a big shock, it was a timely lesson from God. The impacts of such experiences are opening new doors in life. And every new opportunity is a new door. Everyone should work better today than yesterday. Whenever I remember him, I try to be better in whatever I do. I study well. I savor every moment that I live. I realized that God has plans for each and

Impact of Physical Activity in Psychiatric Care

Impact of Physical Activity in Psychiatric Care Alyna Punjwani Mentally ill people not only suffers from psychological distress, but â€Å"they often experience significant physical, social, and cognitive disability† (Kaur, Masaun, Bhatia, 2013, p.404). To help patients cope up with these issues, along with psychological treatment, physical activity plays a therapeutic role. According to Moodie (2001), â€Å"Physical activity refers to virtually any sustained bodily movement that expends energy† (p.02). It ranges from simple tasks, like activities of daily living, to complex tasks like competitive sports (Doh, 2004 as cited in Creek, 2008). Participating in Physical activity helps an individual to improve physical, psychological as well as emotional health (Mcguirk, 2012). Sedentary lifestyle among the mentally ill clients is the significant problem among all psychiatric care (Happell, Scott, Platania-Phung Nankivell, 2012). Consequently, physical activity is the initial step to reduce their dependency on others. It conveys a sense of hope, power, and control towards their lives which encourages them to actively participate in daily living activites. Therefore, when these clients move back to their community, they would not be dependent on others and would be self-sufficient to care for themselves. During my mental health clinical, I and my group members conducted a morning session for all the patients in Karwan-e-Hayat psychiatric hospital. While interacting with the patients, I felt that they are distressed, and not communicating their feelings and thoughts to the fullest. After 15 minutes of unhealthy communication, the group members thought to start some physical activity. We played music and instructed everyone to participate. Most of the patients participated and it was clearly evident that they are thoroughly enjoying it. Even those patients who were not communicating initially, also joined in for the physical activity. After 10 minutes of this activity, we resumed our communication. I observed that now everyone is expressing their views and thoughts. One of the patient, who was primarily not contributing at all in the communication, shared with us the beautiful poetry in Urdu. This drastic change in the patients urged me to think about the impact of physical activity on client’s wellbeing. On analyzing the case scenario, CARE framework could be integrated effectively. Engagement is found to be the most appropriate component of this framework, whereby the physical activity could be applied. One of the goal of this component is to offer opportunities to the client in order to move together towards a therapeutic change in the client (Mcallister Walsh, 2003). As in the case scenario, activities were demonstrated first and the clients were expected to model those acts. Hence, demonstrating, providing support, and providing a motivation that there is a possibility to enact a positive change helps achieve this goal. Every person with mental disorder is different from the other, but they have one thing in common i.e. low level of physical activity (Dunn Jwell 2010). Physical activity is useful as it increases cognitive function. According to Ratey and Loehr (2011), exercise causes angiogenesis in temporal lobe, frontal lobe, and parietal cortex leading to increase blood flow towards these parts of the brain which in turn results in escalation of memory, learning, and attention. As highlighted in the case scenario, the client shared an amazing poetry in Urdu which indicates that physical activity had an effect in his cognitive functioning and memory. Moreover, exercise increases the uptake of insulin-like-growth factor (IGF-1), it crosses the blood brain barrier, and increases neurogenesis in a specific part of brain called hippocampus. Hence, further enhancing the cognitive function (Trejo, Carro, Torres, 2001 as cited in Ratey Loehr, 2011). In addition, Cohen and Shamas (2009) states that dur ing physical activity, the body releases high amount of nor-adrenaline, dopamine and serotonin which effects the part of brain dealing with arousal and attention. As highlighted in the case that all the clients were more focused, and more involved in communication after the period of physical activity. In addition, physical activity also serves as a coping mechanism. As schizophrenic patients engage themselves in different activities, it diverts their mind and distracts them from hallucinations (Richardson et al., 2005). Similarly, it can be an adaptive coping strategy for aggressive patients. For example one client verbalized that whenever he gets angry or frustrated, he goes outside and walks for about 5 minutes which gives him a sense of relaxation, and the feeling of anger diminishes eventually. Moreover, Physical activity is also useful in order to boost up self-esteem of the client. The successful completion of particular task may lead to increase self-confidence and self-efficiency (Crone, Smith, Gough 2006). Hence, it is important to analyze the ability of the client to accomplish a task before involving them in activity. For example, during our exercise session, one patient was having difficulty performing the exercise due to his asthmatic condition. As we used directive approach for the exercise, everyone was doing it but the asthmatic client had to give-up and sit back in order to stabilize his condition. The client verbalized â€Å"I cannot do it anymore†. This would have created a doubt within him regarding his abilities and competency to achieve that goal. Apart from that, clients were talking to each other, and learning from others by observing them. Hence, physical activity provides a platform to bring people together, to promote interaction, and to contribute towards community cohesion in culturally diverse group. It creates a sense of belonging among other clients thereby promoting social inclusion (Trimble, 2012). The socio-cultural barrier I found was that the activity was done with all the male and female clients together, which was an inappropriate intervention in respect to the Pakistani culture. This was one the major hindering factor in promoting the physical activities in psychiatric setting. Hence, this practice has to be avoided in order to encourage the client to participate in these activities As a nurse, it is very important to assess the patient’s ability to perform physical activities and recommend them accordingly. Societal, cultural and personal factors which hinders their ability to involve in activities must also be identified and addressed. Moreover, those patients who are unable to gather in activity area due to their disease process then separate activities should be planned for them to be performed in their own private space. The environment should be supportive and non-competitive to have a positive impact on client’s wellbeing. 15 to 30 minutes of moderate exercise for at-least 4 days a week is recommended for mentally ill clients (Richardson et al., 2005). It could be further adjusted according to client’s abilities. Intense physical activity at first should be avoided because it creates a sense of frustration and distress, further disrupting the patient’s condition. . It is necessary to reinforce the patients which gives a sense o f achievement and boosts up their confidence level At institutional level, integrating physical activities as part of the treatment therapy would increase adherence towards these activities. Moreover, goals should be planned collaboratively with psychologist, therapist, and other medical health care workers to ensure effective approach towards health promotion. Institution should make sure that physical activities are done on continuous basis because fragmented, inadequate, and unsupported activities are of no worth (Richardson et al., 2005). At community, awareness sessions could be conducted to teach people about the impacts of physical activity on client’s well-being. This awareness could help mentally-ill patients in community to reduce their dependency

Essay: Analysis of Sonnet 95 :: Sonnet essays

Analysis of Sonnet 95 How sweet and lovely dost thou make the shame Which, like a canker in the fragrant rose, Doth spot the beauty of thy budding name! Oh, in what sweets dost thou thy sins enclose! That tongue that tells the story of thy days, Making lascivious comments on thy sport, Cannot dispraise but in a kind of praise. Naming thy name , blesses an ill report. Oh what a mansion have those vices got Which for thy habitation chose out thee, Where beauty's veil doth cover every blot And all things turns to fair that eyes can see! Take heed, dear heart, of this large privelege: The hardest knife ill used doth lose his edge. First Quatrain First of all, spot can mean two things: 'to discover' and also 'to stain'; therefore, the shame that "you" make can both (at the same time) point out the beauty of your name, that is possibly increasing in popularity; also 'to stain' the beauty of "your" name. Knowing this, we must read the poem twice, one for each possible reading (also notice the floral theme in the first stanza as well). Since he describeds "name" as budding, (and the fragrance of a rose as sweet), "in what sweets" can refer to the "name", and then of course, the person themself. Now, question: [first the analogy of canker being the sins; thus, as the canker destroys the rose, this person's sins destroy his name (and remember! only "name" at this point)] which one? Second Quatrain "Naming thy name": naming from the stories that have been told about this person, such as rumors. (For instance, not too far from this example, somebody you have never met, but the name is known by you, is regarded as a whore. Whether this rumor is true or not, this idea will be attached to the person who has this name. Same idea here). Line 8, depending on punctuation, can be read one of two ways (more duality!): if there is not punctuation, only a period, then "blesses" is a verb, "naming" is the action of the tongue; therefore, we can read "Naming thy name blesses and ill report" as 'the tongue that names you (rumors, or puts a background to this "name") gives blessings to "an ill report"; (of course, the comments of dispraise against your name).

Meta reflection 2 Essay

â€Å"A mind that is stretched by a new experience can never go back to its old dimensions†. We could never go back to the past were what we did has already been done. When we discover new things you don’t see your old thoughts the same way. We add new information that will help us to expand and deepen our knowledge through our understanding the experiences that we had encounter. I saw too many things, I could never go back to being that old me that. I have experience adventures and the taste of life these experiences molds us by being an open minded person. I can never go back to that person who is full of ignorance. I was searching for wisdom and knowledge as possible. When I found them in philosophy I bathe with wisdom and knowledge combining them made a pleasurable account to my life. Applying these new found ideals, and fresh truths to my life adds new impact on my existence. I would not grow but I will surely have the drive, inspiration and motivation to want more of knowledge. My huge amount of ignorance is too big to became a marble, it’s the cause that the essence of my existences that stretches my mind to be active and be an open minded as possible. Change is constant and prior to my experience they have mold me. Many situations had come to my life with a synthetic a priori. I may not know that I all ready had this phenomena. Behind the knowledge I have know is the product of my studies and the cause of my studies, sometimes cramming can help boast the minds ability, push its power to the fullest capacity to acquire new knowledge. I can never surely go back to the quote that I have written to my introduction is that we or our own minds is expandable and learn so many things. the experiences that we all experience is the fact we are living the life of a being in this world that true reality resides and will surely be never disappear Subconsciously we acquire new experiences. Each time we do our routines and the normal phenomenon we don’t mind the fact that we are giving our right choices, our only one choice. It’s risky to live life but with the feeling of love that we feel its worth the fight and risks to live for in this world. The experience we gain is the interpretations of our lived moments in this reality. The beingness of being is the experience of being a being in this reality. We only live once and our mind is the one that makes the decision with our own considerations that we are beings in this reality. Only the wises gets the best of both world. Reality with experience is the main purpose of being in this world. We stretched our capacity and exhaust this mind of ours and gain new knowledge. By stretching our mind we can go beyond the normal capacity of things. The beauty of life is going to take up the challenges and ordeals that it gives us the power to marvel at life. Lived experience of my life is awesome, because I feel being loved, hate, and not taking life seriously. I thought at first life was so simple, I only have in that period of time a small amount of understanding in my existence. Know with philosophy and I am loving wisdom, I made a new decision that life is complex with many things to do and take it at hand. With that experience I can only reminisce the times but I can no longer go back. How could I go back? With a time machine? May be not its only a theory that time travel is possible. I don’t intend to go back to the past experiences my a posteriori was the best so why would I. With everything that I am and everything that I can do is the product of my experiences, they were the stepping stones that could not hit its wall of finality. Experience for me is cant be exhaust because we keep on experiencing from day to day of our life. We can never stop experiencing, it’s a fact I keep on learning and gaining more knowledge than before I know. I and everyone can never go back to the way they were before. We may not be the same as the past. I couldn’t know everything with experience, it’s the philosophers bases of everything that has happened. Without it what could be the progress of the world and the human world. Gaining new knowledge is the transfiguration of us we can’t go back to the dimensions that we once have reside.

Existentialism and Film Noir Essay

Existentialism and its worldview are believed to have derived from Nietzsche’s provocative and controversial statement â€Å"God is dead†. The underlying meaning to Nietzsche’s controversial statement is that empirical natural science has replaced metaphysical explanations of the world. As a result of this, according to Nietzsche we no longer have any sense of who and what we are as human beings. He concludes that no foundation exists anymore for the meaning and value of things. Nietzsche’s philosophy shines light on what film noir is. That is, an artistic response to, or recognition of, this alteration in our understanding of the world. To emphasize the existentialist attitude in film noir, various stylistic and thematic techniques are used. Common techniques or characteristics of film noir that we see in both The Maltese Falcon and The Killers include: unconventional or non-classical narrative patterns, opposition of light and shadow, disorientation of the viewer, incoherent plot lines, inversion of traditional values and its corresponding moral ambivalence, non-chronological ordering of events, and characters whose actions are not motivated or understandable in any rational way. The similarities of characteristics between existentialism and film noir are prominent; for example, Siodmak and Huston distinguish the alienation and disorientation of a post-Nietzschean world, one without transcendent meaning or value. The constant opposition of light and shadow as seen in The Maltese Falcon and The Killers, helps communicate the dark characteristics of a post-Nietzschean world. For instance, when the swede peacefully awaits his assassins, we get a sense of estrangement and lack of sense and meaning. This lack of sense and meaning is further emphasized when the room goes dark and you see him from the neck down in light, but the face is in total shadow. A sense of despair is created through this camera technique by showing that no one else is in the room, leaving him hopeless to escape. A common characteristic of film noir that we see in both The Maltese Falcon, and The Killers, is the use of unconventional or non-classical narrative patterns. The use of non-classical narrative patterns emphasizes the cynical characteristics of a post-Nietzschean world. For instance, in The Maltese Falcon, Miss Ruth Wonderly initially claims to Spade and Archer to be searching for her sister, however her true intentions were to implicate Thursby her unwanted accomplice by killing Archer. Miss Ruth Wonderly’s contemptuous behavior coincides with the pessimistic view about the nature and purpose of human life. Non-classical patterns are established through various stylistic techniques. Such as the non-chronological ordering of events, often achieved through flashbacks. An example of this technique is seen in The Killers, when flashbacks are used to tell the story leading up to Ole Andersen’s death. The use of flashbacks and complicated sometimes-incoherent plot lines, as in The Maltese Falcon, are examples of the stylistic techniques that are used in film noir to communicate the mood and sensibility. A final common technique that is used in film noir is portraying characters whose actions are not motivated or understandable in any rational way. For example, why does Miss Wonderly lie about her name and objective in the beginning of The Maltese Falcon when she is sure to get caught at some point? By portraying the characters in this manner, Huston leaves the viewer with unanswered questions, leading to the disorientation of the viewer. It has been argued that film noir cannot be defined, therefore has no essential characteristics. That being said, considering noir as a response to the death of god helps explain the commonality of elements that philosophers have recognized in noir films. Moreover, the directors of The Maltese Falcon and The Killers use of thematic and stylistic characteristics in their films make them two of the best examples of film noir. They clearly depict a world of the post-Nietzschean period in their films, that is one of despair, alienation, and paranoia, which is essentially an existential attitude towards life.

Funny Quotes About Men

Funny Quotes About Men If youre in a relationship, have been in a relationship but arent any more or hope someday to be in one, this list is for you. Men have their share of quirks and idiosyncrasies; which generally befuddle women. But only a man can understand what goes on in the mind of a man. Here are some rib-tickling funny quotes about men from the inimitable Mae West and Oscar Wilde and a few others. Oscar Wilde How can a woman be expected to be happy with a man who insists on treating her as if she were a perfectly normal human being? Young men want to be faithful, and are not; old men want to be faithless, and cannot. Between men and  women,  there is no friendship possible. There is passion, enmity, worship, love, but no friendship. Women are never disarmed by compliments; men always are. Elayne Boosler When women are depressed, they eat or go shopping. Men invade another country. Its a whole different way of thinking. Mae West Men are all alike except the one youve met whos different. Men are easy to get but hard to keep. Its not the men in my life, its the life in my men. Give a man a free hand and hell run it all over you. Every man I meet wants to protect me. I cant figure out what from. All discarded lovers should be given a second chance, but with somebody else. William Shakespeare Well, I will find you 20 lascivious turtles ere one chaste man. Sigh no more, ladies, sigh no more, Men were deceivers ever, One foot in sea and one on shore, To one thing constant never. Mignon McLaughlin Few women care what a man looks like, and a good thing too. Bruce Willis On the one hand, well never experience childbirth. On the other hand, we can open all our own jars. Jeanne-Marie Roland The more I see of men, the more I admire dogs. Will Rogers Every time a woman leaves off something she looks better, but every time a man leaves off something he looks worse. Oliver Wendell Holmes Man has will, but woman has her way. Benjamin Frankin If Jacks in love, hes no judge of Jills beauty. Lucille Ball A man who correctly guesses a womans age may be smart, but hes not very bright. Martha Gellhorn I know enough to know that no woman should ever marry a man who hated his mother.

The facial expression Essay Example

The facial expression Essay Example The facial expression Essay The facial expression Essay The end of Act Three possessed the same hysterical and anticlimactic qualities as the end to Act One. The pretence of Abigail and the rest of the girls was once again acted in a rather ridiculous fashion to put off the audience. Abby, you mustnt Im here, Im here Never, never. To put it rather bluntly, the girls seemed to be shaking as if they had been given an electric shock. In this scene, Danforth appeared to be the one serving the same function as Hale in the end of Act One; being the gullible one who fell for the puerile actions of the girls. (growing hysterical) Why can they only repeat you? (p93). The way that Danforth was presented in this scene highlighted his typically one dimensional character as described earlier. To the girls, this was nothing more than a playground game. On the other hand Danforth was treating it seriously. Danforth also played the gullible role of Hale in Act One when he appeared to be charmed by Abigail. While he spoke the words Abigail. I bid you now search your heart and tell me this (p87), he had gone down on one knee and was treating her as if she was a princess. This, like in Act One served the same purpose as to distancing the audience from the opinions of the characters on stage (since the audience did not feel sexually attracted to Abigail). In addition to all of this, what struck me most was the fact that the expression on Mary Warrens face was blemished with genuine fear for what was going on; the audience on the other hand were not scared in the slightest. Hence this once again underlined the difference in opinions between the audience and the characters on stage, the audience being the ones in the knowing, thus emphasising the dramatic irony shown in Act One. The only problem however lay in the fact that Proctors outbreak of hysteria at the end of this scene was somewhat suppressed due to the state of mind the audience was in following the juvenile actions of the girls. The whole disturbing sense of I say god is dead (p96) was dissipated. Even though this scene did not do justice to my favourite character John Proctor in Arthur Millers actual text, overall I believe it still benefited him. The dramatic irony was a way of highlighting his choric role. Since the actions of the other characters on stage were ridiculed to such an extent and the audience was driven against them, the crowd has been driven to share the same opinions as he did, for he too was one who saw through all the mass hysteria and deception. Theyre pretending Mr Danforth Lies, lies (P92) Another aspect of the book that I believe this production highlighted brilliantly was the tragic effect that Arthur Miller intended to create. Every tragedy is the story of how the birds come home to roost. You do something, and then you try to undo it and it wont undo; it keeps pursuing you until it catches up with you. In other words, his intention was to create a sense of loss, an inescapable fall from a great height. I believe that Proctors catch-22 situation was highlighted very vividly. The scene with Elizabeth on page 109 made it very obvious to the idea that Proctor was going to lose whatever he chose to do. There was not any intimacy in the play up to this point and there was none at this point either. Both had stood in the corner of the stage and the body language of the two made it very obvious that they were distant. It made the audience feel very sympathetic towards what was happening to Proctor. He was not only in a no win situation, there was little support or advice from his loved ones. John, it come to naught that I should forgive you, if youll not forgive yourself. It is not my soul John, it is yours. (p109) The ripping of his own confession on page 115 was done in a very emotional fashion and it made the crowd feel traumatized by Proctors actions. After he ripped the piece of paper, his eyes had somewhat widened and he shot a very blank and psychotic stare at Danforth, it appeared almost as if he had been driven to insanity by the conspiracy against him. I can. And theres your first marvel, that I can. (p115) The facial expression that he asserted was as if he was saying You can take my life but youll never take my pride. His bloodied face was an emblem of all the pain he had already been through while fighting this huge battle against the corrupt court. As he lifted and kissed Elizabeth with great passion, it made the audience feel at a huge climax, because it was actually the first time the two had been intimately and physically together. But for me, Proctors triumph seemed somewhat short lived and in vain. He had saved his pride Because it is my name!; he had made a sacrifice for others I am not worth the dust on the feet of them that hang!; he had done the honourable thing I do think I see some shred of goodness in John Proctor and his relationship with Elizabeth was healed. Yet still, Proctor was going to die and since the audience had formed such a favourable and positive opinion of him, we didnt want him to die. I think the point when he caught Rebecca as she was about to fall was done very effectively and it underlined Proctors good character and integrity. The final emphasis of the tragic effect was subtly expressed in Elizabeths final quote. He have his goodness now. God forbid I take it from him. Since this quote was so understated and underplayed as Elizabeth had been throughout the play, it killed the whole idea of triumph in what Proctor had done. As the play was about to end and Proctor was about to die, I didnt feel any positive or satisfying vibe. Instead I felt emotionally overcome with a tragic sensation that left me speechless and perhaps even upset by the death of the righteous man in the play. The only person who seemed to possess the iconoclastic figure and moral authority of the town was dead, the choric role was gone Overall, I think this an excellent production of Arthur Millers The Crucible. It effectively portrayed most of the characters as Arthur Miller had described them in the original book, and the message Arthur Miller had intended to send was ingeniously conveyed. Even though the play was only a mere two and a half hours, I was highly impressed with the amount of detail that was illustrated from the book. In particular, some of the key lines from various characters which had a significant effect on me were vividly presented by the excellent actors and actresses. The setting was very vivid, the costumes were simple yet highly creative, the characters in general were presented very uniquely and the didactic message Arthur Miller wished to depict was carried out clearly. Despite the fact that some areas of the play were underplayed as mentioned earlier, they were compensated by highlighting the significance of other areas. This is an excellent reproduction and unique interpretation of Arthur Millers original work and I absolutely loved it.

A Study Of How Sound Is Used In Greg Gliennas Short Film, The Elevator

A Study Of How Sound Is Used In Greg Glienna's Short Film, The Elevator â€Å"The Elevator† Usage of Sound I recently watched the comedic short film â€Å"The Elevator† by Greg Glienna. The film describes the everyday struggles and worries of riding in an elevator. While these struggles are dramatized, it serves as a good representation of what we’re all feeling at times. It touches on issues such as overcrowding, worries about the maximum weight capacity, and being in a compact space with sick people. While the film is short and simple, it uses both diegetic and nondiegetic sounds to capture the mood. The short film starts with a lack of sound as the man approaches the elevator. The diegetic sounds finally start when the elevator dings and the man shuffles in. Tinny elevator music then starts playing, to add further to the fact that yes, he is in an elevator. The choice in elevator music is very stereotypical; smooth jazz music that one would expect to be playing. The music precedes to get louder whenever the elevator stops to let more people in. The increasing volume adds to the mood of the scene, portraying the main character’s annoyance. The diegetic sound of the elevator dinging whenever it opens adds a sense of doom, especially the longer the viewer watches every time it dings, more people seem to shuffle into the already crowded elevator. Finally, the elevator dings again and the music stops, possibly to represent the people in the elevator’s relief that someone is about to get off. I feel that the elevator music in general represents the agitated mood in the elevator, and a break in it only represents good things to come. However, another man gets on board and the music continues. While someone is calculating the overall weight capacity of the elevator, the elevator starts to make strained groaning sounds. This creates a mood of apprehension and foreboding; is the elevator going to crash, killing everyone? It takes the audience down a suspenseful path, as they were probably presuming that the short film was a comedy. As the elevat or falls, the elevator music stops as well, indicating the shift in the mood. However, it eventually resumes and the annoyed mood is present again. The only diegetic talking that occurs in the short film is when a man excuses himself off the elevator when an overweight man is approaching. This contrasts against the rest of the film and its lack of dialogue, adding a sense of urgency to the man wanting to get off. In my opinion, the scene would not have been as funny if he had not spoken at all and you were unable to pick up the intonation in his voice. There is silence in the film again when the main man manages to get out of the elevator. The lack of tinny elevator music or dialogue indicates the sense of relief that the main character is feeling; he is finally free from the sounds and the overcrowding. However, a different set of obnoxious elevator music starts playing again when the second elevator arrives, also full of people. This adds again to the sense of unfavorable conditio ns, of how unfortunate it is that this would happen again. It also adds to the humor of the scene as it creates a circumstance that the audience can relate to. The sounds of people coughing and sniffling are present during the next elevator scene, indicating that the main character is in an elevator full of sick people. The addition of these diegetic sounds adds to the humorous dread, as they are present in excess. While it is common to hear a cough or two, rarely is it an elevator full of coughing people. One of the coughing sounds is made louder than the others as the scene focuses on a glob of spit landing on the main man’s neck. This adds emphasis to the sick man’s cough in particular, making it the focus and an addition to the horrified mood. There only appears to be one non-diegetic noise in the short film. This occurs during a scene in the first elevator, when an overweight man is approaching the already full elevator. Low, brassy music that resembles the shark movie â€Å"Jaws† theme begins to play. This is a sound that the viewer is most likely already familiar with, adding to both the tone of the scene and the comedic value. The dreading tone is established by the fact that the viewer knows that the theme plays whenever a shark is approachingthe elevator’s demise. The comedic effect comes from the fact that the short film is comparing an obese man to a deadly shark. While the film is short and simple, without much variety in sounds and music, the times in which it does use sound are very effective because of it. Overall, I enjoyed this short film. I thought it was funny and very relatable, and I laughed a couple times throughout it. I didn’t think I would like it, just because it was a short film, but I was pleasantly surprised.

Emergency Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Emergency Management - Essay Example There is an allocation of fewer funds than was budgeted for by these organizations. For example, Red Cross was accused of exploitation of funds in Haiti quake. They received $354million in donations and allocated $106 million, the rest $248 million was not allocated. Haiti victims demonstrated, and the Red Cross was questioned, only to reveal that they were holding the money and defending Red Cross by stating it has a system and process of fund disbursement (Burns, 2006). This act is extremely unprofessional, and it decreases organization reputation and integrity (Taori, 2005). Relief in tragedy incapacitated areas is in the form of foodstuff, drugs, clothing, and shelter. Some of these commodities never reach the intended victims, which is unprofessional for the company ((Taori, 2005). This is known, since even after the donation of these items, cases of lack of them is reported by journalists who cover the stories. An example is the floods that wrecked the ‘Red River Valley’ in Minnesota and ‘North Dakota’ in 1997 spring. Red Cross did not release the donations as a report issued by the Attorney General indicated that people still had corroded basements and foundations. In addition, they had inconveniences caused by flood induced by mould and mildew. International laws mandated to govern the process of donations and disbursement. This leads to fragmentation inside the organization and delays fund disbursement (Burns, 2006). In addition, it leads to lack of proper communication within the organizations enhancing berating from agencies. This, together with lack of government support, distorts the organizations efficient running as they are institutionalized. In my opinion, I feel that there’s fragmentation and misunderstanding within and outside the organizations. The reason for the inefficiency is that these non governmental emergency management organizations lack enough

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The CIA created Osama bin Laden - Research Paper Example Osama Bin Laden was born in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on March 10, 1957. His father was a close friend of the ruling royal family which helped him to establish the Bin Laden group of companies. Immediately after the birth of Osama, his parents got divorced and he was brought up under the single parenthood after the separation of his parents. In Saudi Arabia, it was allowed to the Muslims to marry as much as girls. Osama’s father had ten wives. During childhood, Osama was a normal child who has shown immense interests in religious activities. The development of Osama from an ordinary person to the most wanted hard-core terrorist in the world, was surprising unbelievable. Osama Bin Laden was a Saudi citizen by birth. He was a multi billionaire by birth and had major shares in the Bin Laden group of companies which was established by his father. He was not a born criminal, but the society made him as a criminal. He was a hard-core terrorists even before the 9/11 attack on America. However, he became famous only after the 9/11 incident. It is often said that America is responsible for the making of Osama as a terrorist. It should be noted that Soviet Union has intruded into the territories of Afghanistan in the 1980’s. Soviet Union’s presence in Afghanistan was indigestible to America. Intense cold war was going on in between America and Soviet Union during 70’s and 80’s. America estimated that Soviet Union’s presence in Afghanistan would give them upper hand in the policy matters in Asia. Therefore, America did everything possible to expel Soviet troops from Afghanistan. America has taught Osama and his company that communism is the most fearful enemy of religions such as Islam. The presence of communism or Soviet troops in Afghanistan would convert Afghan society from a religious society to a communist society. Osama and his

Bipolar Disorder Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Bipolar Disorder - Essay Example Johnson, Gustavo J. Rey, Mark A. Blais, Ana Rivas-Vazquez (2002). What is really very alarming about this type of mental disorder is that a lot of people who are afflicted with bi-polar disorder are prone to suicidal thoughts. In fact, about 19% of those who suffer from this disease are exposed to lifetime risk of suicide (Rivas-Vazquez, Rafael A., Sheri L. Johnson, Gustavo J. Rey, Mark A. Blais, Ana Rivas-Vazquez (2002). You see, bi-polar is a chronic disorder meaning it keeps coming back to haunt the sufferer. Bi-poplar disorder is one of the most common chronic and severe mental disorders that often go undiagnosed and untreated for a long time. A lot of people who are suffering from this type of ailment do not even know that they bi-polar disorder and they go through life without even getting treatment for this type of disorder. In most cases, people who have bi-polar disorder are diagnosed with depression (Supplement to The Journal of Family Practice (November 2007). Because of misdiagnosis and poor treatment, many people who are suffering from this disorder has to suffer through severe bouts of mental disturbances without even getting the right type of treatment. This situation can be quite detrimental to the mental state of the patient and may lead the patient to take some drastic measures, such as suicide, to end his or her suffering. Fortunately, this situation can be prevented. Although bi-polar disorder is a complex medical illness that involves the human brain, with proper diagnosis and treatment, a person who is suffering from this type of ailment can eventually recover from a severe episode of bi-polar disorder and lead a normal life. Bi-polar disorder is more commonly known as manic depression. Based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual that most psychiatrists use to diagnose mental disorders, the most reliable

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AN ANALYSIS OF THE PERSUASIVE TECHNIQUES USED IN DOVE REAL BEAUTY SKETCHES - Essay Example The film, which compares, the images of women and strangers about various women uses numerous persuasion techniques to capture the attention of the viewers. An analysis of the persuasion techniques that the film uses is essential in understanding the reason why the video captured a market of fifteen million viewers within one month. Cialdini’s Weapons of Persuasion Cialdini describes successful marketing as a science rather than magic or luck. The author argues that public proof is one of the principles of successful persuasion, and marketers should make use of it by proving to their customers that other people have also tried their products or services (Cialdini, 1993). The Dove film uses social proof by showing the viewer the participants of the research, and how they described themselves. A viewer sees the women who took part in the research, and how they described themselves while behind a curtain. Viewers can also see the artist who sketched the appearances of the women a s well as the strangers who described them during the study. This creates an impression in the mind of the viewer that there are other people who believe that they are beautiful more than the way they think (Perloff, 2010). ... The strangers who describe the women also take part in the study in the same location and they answer the same questions (Dove, 2013). The viewers of the film think that the experience is real because of this consistency that the firm maintained throughout the study. Therefore, the audience is persuaded by the reality factor in the film, and they begin to view themselves in a more positive way. Older women also begin to view themselves as young and enthusiastic beings as Cialdini argues that they are more prone to inconsistency (Sullivan, 2008). The researcher argues that they prefer consistency and commitment more than the young because of their old age, which takes away most of their energy. Therefore, the consistency in the film may capture the attention of the elderly more than the young. Aristotle’s Artistic Proofs Aristotle argues that speakers have to persuade to their audience using their personal characteristics, proving to them, and ensuring that they influence their minds (Heinrichs, 2007). The lack of these elements is unproductive leading to low sales and profits for marketers. Ethos is the first technique that Aristotle describes as the art of creating authority and credibility to the audience (Oshaughnessy, 2004). This means that the audience is persuaded by speakers who have the qualifications to perform the tasks. The Dove film uses ethos in that the artist who sketches the women has the knowledge of sketching images in a perfect manner. Gil, Zamora, the artist is a forensic sketch artiste who has experience in drawing the sketches of over three thousand criminals (Dove, 2013). The artist also speaks in an authoritative way as he asks women to describe their

Research literature related to the health needs of this client Essay

Research literature related to the health needs of this client - Essay Example To this end, the reported struggling history of infections is justified by the health profile to compel a strict treatment regime. His reservations leading up to discontinuation of ART cannot facilitate success in the treatment. Such positions will occasion hepatitis liver deterioration that will affect other drug metabolism requirements. The end-stage status of Mr. X’s liver infection compounds the complexity of therapy requirements needed for the presenting challenges. Assuming that the treatment regime prescribed to Mr. X has both elements for HIV and HBV treatment, the patient must continue with the prescription. The impacts of discontinuation can occasion severe coinfection to the already weakened health status and cause death. According to Carosi et al. (2008), current regimes targeted for HBV reduce progression of related liver complications significantly. The authors held that most coinfections from poor countries progress to mortality due to lack of parallel treatment of both infections and lack of efficient care. The high probability of progression of HBV among HIV patients requires strict treatment regimes that can prevent liver failure and related immunity complications. Appropriate treatment regimes must be continued to prevent the development of drug resistant strains of the virus causing the coinfection (Reiberger et al. 2012). Apparently, discontinuation of drugs before completion of the prescribed dosage presents grounds for the dev elopment of resistance. Since viral susceptibility to drugs remains elusive, patients must be assisted to follow their prescriptions. The healthcare attendant serving Mr. X must help cultivate positivity to support adherence to drug administration. According to Benhamou (2004), the appropriate medical regime to handle Mr. X’s condition must contain Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART). Aware of the vulnerability of the HIV positive patients to HBV, treatment options contain the

Bipolar Disorder Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Bipolar Disorder - Essay Example Johnson, Gustavo J. Rey, Mark A. Blais, Ana Rivas-Vazquez (2002). What is really very alarming about this type of mental disorder is that a lot of people who are afflicted with bi-polar disorder are prone to suicidal thoughts. In fact, about 19% of those who suffer from this disease are exposed to lifetime risk of suicide (Rivas-Vazquez, Rafael A., Sheri L. Johnson, Gustavo J. Rey, Mark A. Blais, Ana Rivas-Vazquez (2002). You see, bi-polar is a chronic disorder meaning it keeps coming back to haunt the sufferer. Bi-poplar disorder is one of the most common chronic and severe mental disorders that often go undiagnosed and untreated for a long time. A lot of people who are suffering from this type of ailment do not even know that they bi-polar disorder and they go through life without even getting treatment for this type of disorder. In most cases, people who have bi-polar disorder are diagnosed with depression (Supplement to The Journal of Family Practice (November 2007). Because of misdiagnosis and poor treatment, many people who are suffering from this disorder has to suffer through severe bouts of mental disturbances without even getting the right type of treatment. This situation can be quite detrimental to the mental state of the patient and may lead the patient to take some drastic measures, such as suicide, to end his or her suffering. Fortunately, this situation can be prevented. Although bi-polar disorder is a complex medical illness that involves the human brain, with proper diagnosis and treatment, a person who is suffering from this type of ailment can eventually recover from a severe episode of bi-polar disorder and lead a normal life. Bi-polar disorder is more commonly known as manic depression. Based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual that most psychiatrists use to diagnose mental disorders, the most reliable

Research literature related to the health needs of this client Essay

Research literature related to the health needs of this client - Essay Example To this end, the reported struggling history of infections is justified by the health profile to compel a strict treatment regime. His reservations leading up to discontinuation of ART cannot facilitate success in the treatment. Such positions will occasion hepatitis liver deterioration that will affect other drug metabolism requirements. The end-stage status of Mr. X’s liver infection compounds the complexity of therapy requirements needed for the presenting challenges. Assuming that the treatment regime prescribed to Mr. X has both elements for HIV and HBV treatment, the patient must continue with the prescription. The impacts of discontinuation can occasion severe coinfection to the already weakened health status and cause death. According to Carosi et al. (2008), current regimes targeted for HBV reduce progression of related liver complications significantly. The authors held that most coinfections from poor countries progress to mortality due to lack of parallel treatment of both infections and lack of efficient care. The high probability of progression of HBV among HIV patients requires strict treatment regimes that can prevent liver failure and related immunity complications. Appropriate treatment regimes must be continued to prevent the development of drug resistant strains of the virus causing the coinfection (Reiberger et al. 2012). Apparently, discontinuation of drugs before completion of the prescribed dosage presents grounds for the dev elopment of resistance. Since viral susceptibility to drugs remains elusive, patients must be assisted to follow their prescriptions. The healthcare attendant serving Mr. X must help cultivate positivity to support adherence to drug administration. According to Benhamou (2004), the appropriate medical regime to handle Mr. X’s condition must contain Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART). Aware of the vulnerability of the HIV positive patients to HBV, treatment options contain the

American Television Comedies Essay Example for Free

American Television Comedies Essay

Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India

Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India Civil society is a term oft-repeated in democratic contexts today. Seen as an essential component of the liberal framework of political structures, it is essentially the space of free association for the masses. India, a multicultural democratic country, boasts of a vibrant civil society. At the same time, it also has accusations of being one of the worst offenders of human and civil liberties of some of its people, in the form of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. This chapter seeks to introduce the motivation, hypothesis, methodology and key concepts of this paper. Introduction The spotlight of global affairs and the ‘march to democracy has been on the Middle East in 2011. Mass rebellions against autocratic, unjust and oppressive regimes have swept the region in a sort of domino-effect swarming hordes of people rose up to replace what seemed no more applicable or tolerable in Tunisia to Tahrir Square in Egypt, in a bid to in-state the only form of governance that allowed ‘power to the people i.e. democracy. This phenomenon has come to the West as a pleasant surprise, that have viewed the Islamic world as essentially subject to notions of conservatism, violence and religion all seen as harbingers of a pre-modern past that the West feels it has left behind for good. â€Å"What is happening in Tunisia and Egypt is the completion of the 1989 revolutions the Egyptians are reclaiming the values of the Solidarnosc and the Civic Forum from the neo-liberals who usurped them The people in Tahrir Square and elsewhere are giving us back the meaning of c ivil society a place where people can talk, discuss and act freely,† says Mary Kaldor , examining the notion of civil society and how it has changed since the last time it was picked up from the annals of a rejected history and reinvented to bring monumental political change in Eastern European states. Closer home, the beginning of summer this year has seen a heated campaign against corruption being driven by a single mans Satyagraha Anna Hazare would definitely qualify as a ‘non-entity even by the modest standards of celebration that Indian civil society activists enjoy. Yet, this army truck driver of the 1960s is today the poster-boy of ‘publicness, coming to symbolise the space for mediation and political interference to bring out moral dividends that is the hallmark of a vibrant democracy. Some have called his actions ‘Gandhian, one of the few attempts at reform emerging from among the non-political that post-independence India has seen, otherwise witnessed only in Irom Sharmilas consistent campaign from Manipur against the travails of militarisation of the north-east region and abuse of power that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 has become synonymous with. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which the Indian government has thought fit to implement in two contexts all the North Eastern states and Jammu Kashmir is arguably among the most contentious legislations of post-Independence India. Said to be based on a 1942 British ordinance intended to contain the Indian independence movement (Quit India movement) during World War II, it was enacted as a short-term measure to allow the deployment of the army in Indias north-eastern Naga Hills but since has been in existence for five decades. It has, since then, also been implemented in Jammu Kashmir which has shown violent separatist aspirations since the late 1980s. The Act has been controversial because of the fact that it gives to the armed forces extended powers of action without accountability, which has led to abuse of power and gross violation of human and civil rights, building around it a sense of impunity. In a democratic framework, this move to retain the sovereign integrity of the Indian state has been vociferously derided by people both within and outside these regions. Even though justifications for the laws existence abound from freedom of operation to existence of provisions for accountability and redress within the armed forces set up, the Act in itself has become a symbol of oppression at the hands of the Indian state and therefore a part of the problem, not the solution. Hypothesis This paper attempts to therefore study civil society in India its role and scope with specific focus on this nugget of legislation that has a strong reference to the case of maintaining or violating civil liberty in a democracy. It seeks to analyse the effectiveness of the Indian democracy in this respect, considering whether ‘power to the people is just another catchphrase or if it goes deeper than that. This researcher is of the view that even though the definition of a modern civil society in a multicultural context as India needs to be revisited, and even though largely (as in the case of the AFSPA) political, military, judicial and legislative action has a will of its own, there is scope for activism and there are voices that get heard. The necessity of such a space of negotiation in a democracy cannot be stressed hard enough. The arbitrariness of power, possible marginalisation of the ‘have-nots and the dilemma of national unity versus individual rights need to be examined in the light of modern liberal rhetoric of freedom and equality that are foundational aspects of the Indian constitution. Methodology The study has used both primary and secondary sources of data along with analysis using both the deductive and inductive methods. I have analyzed government records, media reports, library sources, existing literature on the subject, archival data, think-tank reports as well as spoken / interviewed a few primary sources within the civil society. The study has also use information and experience gathered at symposiums, lectures and workshops related to the topic. It has been largely qualitative in approach, since the issue required an exploration of theory and potential policy-making role of civil society in situations of conflict and civil unrest. Chapterisation The paper shall follow this sequence: the first chapter will examine the trajectory of conceptualisation of civil society in the corpus of philosophy and political studies and its relevance globally as well as in India. The second chapter will elaborate upon the Act, the controversy and the issues surrounding it. In the third chapter, I will look at civil society initiatives regarding this aspect, both in terms of humanitarian redressal and rehabilitation and attempts at political negotiation and policy amendment. It will also look critically at the degree to which these initiatives have worked in mitigating the more negative consequences of the law. The last chapter, in conclusion, will critically analyse the role that civil society has played so far in the dynamics of the Indian democracy and the scope for positive change it contains. The rest of this chapter is dedicated to elaborating on the key concepts of this paper: civil society and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Key Concepts Civil Society: It is crucial to understand what civil society in a changed global context means. Historically, it has been understood to mean the public space that exists between the family and the state that seeks to mitigate the preponderance of individualism as well as the ‘tyranny of the majority. Based on principles of voluntarism, association and pluralism and tolerance, this was an imagination that sought to negotiate with power structures in every context it arose in, whether during industrialisation of England where a new bourgeois class of powerful traders emerged that sought to bargain with the state and the Church for power, or in Eastern Europe of the 1980s where a bid to parlay Communism resulted in associational uprising that stemmed out of sports clubs, trade unions, bars and basements. After 1989, civil society got the rejuvenation that had been missing for the past couple of centuries since Marx and Gramsci had derided it as yet another excuse for state/power domination and co-option of the masses. It has since been taken much more seriously, both academically and in its practical application, although consensus on what it constitutes is hard to come by. However, with democracy becoming the chosen form of ‘correct government, where representation and election to power is ‘by the people, for the people and of the people, civil society assumes new meaning as the arena of civilised battle. There is more to a democracy than public participation through ballot-box approval. This, in a nutshell, could be the motive for a functional civil society.   However, the proprietorship of the West over the concept of civil society is often criticised. By linking it with modernity, it is seen to be a concept both inherently Western and also as the Wests boon to the world. Ernest Gellner paints civil society as the space of the profane that gives freedom to the baser aspects of human beings and their relationships. Having associated it with capitalist liberalism, he posits many upcoming rivals to it such as Islam, Asiatic capitalism, fierce nationalism- leading one to believe that this essentially Western notion is one under threat from more preponderant forces in different parts of the world that do not essentially derive from rationality. Mary Kaldor finds in this a patronising approach of the entire West, evident also in US and Europes response to the upheaval in the Middle East. She observes that there already exists a term for civil society in Arabic Almujtamaa Almadani and therefore finds that the concept has more antiquated roots than otherwise presumed. To offset this overlordism, she says, â€Å"Instead of imposing yet another neo-liberal formula, western countries and institutions should consult the people of the Middle East about how they can help to construct a fairer, more sustainable economy. Instead of giving governments money to buy western weapons, they could discuss with civil society how they could help to restructure the armed forces to provide human security, to establish civilian control over the military, and to convert the substantial military industries to peaceful uses.† Ruminating on the changed idea of civil society, she says disappointedly, â€Å"After 1989, everyone celebrated the idea of civil society. But it was rapidly reduced within the framework of neo-liberal thinking to mean western-supported NGOs who would help to smooth the path of neo-liberal transition.† In the post-Cold War phase, since the world has gone more global, the meaning of civil society has veered towards international-level cooperation and institutionalism, through NGOs, forums, transnational networks of activities to work on a ‘global humanitarian regime. It has now become a buzzword relating to democracies, liberalism, neo-liberalism, anti-war movements, global justice and so on, and thereby is seen as a platform inhabited by activists of all sorts. In the normative sense, civil society is and always has been seen as the arena where consent is generated for and in opposition to concentrated authority. In the descriptive sense, or in considering what all should be included in this realm, lies the tensions should regulatory bodies such as the UN and the World Bank be considered part of civil society? Should one include international NGOs that depend on government funding? Does civil society include religious or ethnic organisations? Does it include militant or sece ssionist organisations that are fighting against an oppressive state or for some defined nationalism? As the concerns that occupy minds in a global world change (such as todays preoccupations include AIDS, landmines, terrorism, nuclear disarmament/disaster, receding water levels etc), the definitions of all realms of society would change too. This paper, taking insights from the corpus of philosophy on the subject, defines civil society as the associational space, lying between the family, state and market, where autonomous individuals voluntarily come together to define and pursue common goals to reap collective benefits. Schmitters definition of civil society, as a set or system of self-organised intermediary groups that: (1) are relatively independent of both public authorities and private units of production and reproduction, that is, of firms and families; (2) are capable of deliberating about and taking collective actions in defence or promotion of their interests or passions; (3) do not seek to replace either state agents or private (re)producers or to accept responsibility fo r governing the polity as a whole; and (4) agree to act within pre-established rules of a civil, i.e. mutually respectful, nature. It is civil society based on the four characteristics of dual autonomy, collective action, nonusurpation and civility that this paper will refer to. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA): The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is a law, enacted by the Parliament of India, to meet violent internal situations created by underground militant outfits to further their illegal and ‘unconstitutional causes. The law was enacted to provide necessary powers and legal support to the Armed forces for carrying out proactive operations against the militants in a highly hostile environment that was threatening the integrity and sovereignty of the Indian nation-state. The Act dates back to September 11, 1958, when the Parliament of India passed the act bestowing more power on the armed forces in â€Å"disturbed areas†. First introduced in the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, the Act was later extended to Jammu and Kashmir as the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 in July 1990. The Act allows an officer of the armed forces to fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in contravention of any law against assembly of five or more persons or possession of deadly weapons, to arrest without a warrant and with the use of necessary force anyone who has committed certain offenses or is suspected of having done so, to enter and search any premise in order to make such arrests. The act also bestows legal immunity to the officials, which means that they cannot be sued or prosecuted. While the law was enacted to mitigate militant action, violence and to quell secessionist tendencies that violated the essence of the Indian union, it has since inception over half a century ago turned into a controversial aspect of governance in the country. An increasing militarisation of areas branded as ‘disturbed and a consequent violation of human rights and civil liberties has resulted in a worsening of conditions in both the regions it has been applied to. Instead of bringing about greater cohesion, or of managing to bring the north-east and Jammu Kashmir peacefully into the fold of the Indian union, the law has become just another reason for the strengthening of secessionist demands. This is in contradiction with the reasoning given for consistent political will to keep the Act in place in the two regions: in a response to the United Nations Human Rights Committee questioning the validity of the AFSPA under the Indian law and in light of Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR, the Attorney General of India responded that the AFSPA is a necessary measure to prevent the secession of the North Eastern states. He said that a response to this agitation for secession in the North East had to be done on a war footing. He argued that the Indian Constitution, in Article 355, made it the duty of the Central Government to protect the states from internal disturbance and that there is no duty under international law to allow secession.â€Å"The shrill rhetoric demanding that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act be repealed, if allowed to hold sway, may drive us deeper into the dark world of both Islamist terror and the Maoist insurgency, † Brigadier S K Chatterji (retd) has warned more recently. The primary issue of controversy here is the violation of human and civil rights. According to a Human Rights Watch report, the act is in violation in the following respects: The right to life is violated by section 4(a) of the AFSPA, which grants the armed forces power to shoot to kill in law enforcement situations without regard to international human rights law restrictions on the use of lethal force. The right to liberty and security of person is violated by section 4(c) of the AFSPA, which fails to protect against arbitrary arrest by allowing soldiers to arrest anyone merely on suspicion that a â€Å"cognizable offence† has already taken place or is likely to take place in the future. Further, the AFSPA provides no specific time limit for handing arrested persons to the nearest police station. The right to remedy is violated by section 6 of the AFSPA, which provides officers who abuse their powers under the AFSPA with immunity from legal accountability. This section of th e AFSPA prohibits even state governments from initiating legal proceedings against the armed forces on behalf of their population without central government approval. Since such a sanction is seldom granted, it has in effect provided a shield of immunity for armed forces personnel implicated in serious abuses. In practice the AFSPA also facilitates violation of the right to be free from torture, and from cruel or degrading treatment. Since the AFSPA provides powers to arrest without warrant and then detain arrested persons for unspecified amounts of time, the armed forces routinely engage in torture and other ill-treatment during interrogation in army barracks. However, the support from within the armed forces and certain other sections of the political and academic circles is strong for the continuance of this act. Northern Army Commander General Jaswal in Jammu Kashmir gave the following reasoning: I would like to say that the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Power Act are very pious to me and I think to entire Indian ArmyWe have religious books, there are certain guidelines which are given there, but all the members of the religion do not follow it, they break it also, does it imply that you remove the religious book or you remove this chap. My take on it is to find someone guilty, take him to task, but dont touch this pious document or provision of the Armed Forces Special Power Act giving the similarity to religious book.† In the past couple of months Army has argued that without the Act it will not be able to launch proactive operations. The Army will also not be able to use force except in self-defence and not have powers to destroy ammunition dumps and IEDs. The army also says that a majority of human rights abuse cases are found to be false and those found true have been severely dealt with. Human rights activists have however contended time and again that the Act gives excessive powers to the soldiers. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has said in recent past that there is a need to revoke the Act since it is prone to abuse. One of the grounds that the citizens have stated is that the people arrested or otherwise detained should be allowed to plead their case under section 130 and 131 of the Criminal Code. The Article 21 of the Constitution also gets violated in the process. In spite of the various cases filed and protests initiated there has been no revocation or dialogue towards the same. The issue revolving the AFSPA is that the principle of national integrity and sovereignty is in direct conflict with the liberal democratic frameworks of human rights and the civil society has the potential to the site for this negotiation. This is the premise under which the rest of this paper seeks to examine how the civil society and the Indian state have sought to deal with the AFSPA. CIVIL SOCIETY This Chapter seeks to chart the history of philosophy on civil society, in political sciences and social sciences. It will then look at civil society in India specifically, in todays context, and some of the major criticisms levelled against the concept and its real-time manifestation. Civil Society: The Concept At the abstract level, civil society has historically been conceptualised as a mediating space between the family, state and recently, also separate from the market. It is the site of association, voluntariness and community engagement, set apart from the politics and compulsions of the state as well as the individuality and liberty of the family. Bruce Sievers identifies seven strands that go into the making of civil society: nonprofit and voluntary institutions, individual rights, rule of law, the common good, philanthropy, freedom of expression and tolerance. Emerging in the context of the 18th century industrialisation rampant in Europe that gave rise to a new class of bourgeoisie and the new ideas of utilitarianism and capitalism, civil society gets inextricably linked with libertarian ideals that seek to carve out spaces for autonomous action in every individual and societal aspect.   â€Å"A ‘civil society was civilized and ordered by the rule of law. Unlike tribal so ciety, it was also large-scale and held together by impersonal bonds of interest rather than ties of kin and blood. It was also, to a degree some found frightening, a self-correcting mechanism in which the selfish actions of myriad individuals, brought together only by the rule of law, managed to produce an orderly and dynamic accumulation of prosperity unprecedented in human history,† observes Michael Ignatieff The importance of social engagement and principle of tolerance have only gained more importance in a globalised world that is characterised by multi-cultural, multi-ethnic nations. Robert Putnam identifies civic engagement, dense networks of interaction, political equality, solidarity, trust and tolerance and a strong associational life as crucial to the generation of ‘social capital the resource that could help to facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit in societies. He says that networks of civic engagement foster norms of generalised reciprocity, encourage the emergence of social trust, facilitate communication, collaboration and therefore collective action on common dilemmas and endorse the idea of collective benefits. Through its history, a number of philosophers have vouched for and expanded upon this realm of an advanced society. Alexis de Tocqueville , in Democracy in America, says that Americas answer to the problem of limiting the absolutist state was to have a constitution defined in law and protected by a counterbalancing force of independent bodies. These were the local associations of citizens acting together in the affairs of daily life. This was a civil society engaged in politics, voluntary by nature. His idea of civil society was based in the observation of an absolute sovereignty of the majority, but this principle, which could just as well turn into a tyranny of the majority, was also mitigated through a non-centralised frame of governance that set importance to localised chains of command and responsibility. Civicness emerged in America, he observed, through the relentless formation of associations: â€Å"Americans of all ages, all stations in life, and all types of disposition ar e forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different typesreligious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. . . . Nothing, in my view, deserves more attention than the intellectual and moral associations in America.† Civil Society, for Hegel , is the site that lies between the Family and the State in the Ethical Life, as described in his Philosophy of Right. It is the site where the ‘determination of particularity as per individual rights is given free rein, but which has to acquire a mantle of universality for the rights to become acquirable or even legitimate, so to speak. Here, therefore, are two elements: the concrete person who is out to pursue self-interest and personal motive, and the form of universality, or the generation of common motive, through forming bonds and finding over-lapping areas of interest. A particular end, therefore, assumes the form of universality through this relation to other people, and it is attained in the simultaneous attainment of the welfare of others. It has three dimensions: the system of needs, the administration of justice and the police and the corporation. The system of needs refers to the generation of ‘universal human capital through human beings exceptional capacity to generate needs and spot commonness with others and then to satisfy those needs through work and labour. A single persons particularity of interest can be recognised if he manages to associate himself with one sphere of the needs. The administration of justice is the principle of rightness that becomes universally known through a public legal code. Not only does this embed within the principle of freedom in both subjective individual and universal platforms, it also makes wrongdoing an infringement on the people that live within such an ethical life. The polizei, then, is the bearer and the guardian of this publicly generated and accepted principles of right, the public authority that also looks after public utilities and regulation activities as well. The corporation, on the other hand, is the arrangement whereby common interests are brought to fore through voluntary association as in sports or religious clubs etc. All these aspects together form the civil society for Hegel, the space where freedom of self-interest is allowed to reign but within the limits of the principle of universality.   Antonio Gramsci, however, had a more critical view of civil society, from a Marxist vantage point. He saw civil society not as the benign space that afforded a voice and power to the masses, but as an instrument of domination linked in an unholy alliance with the bourgeois elements in the civil society seeking to protect propertied interests . He was also convinced that the intricate, organic relationships between civil society and political society enable certain strata of society not only to gain dominance within the state but also, and more importantly, to maintain it, perpetuating the subalternity of other strata. In other words, the site of hegemony was civil society it was the arena wherein the ruling class extends and reinforces its power by non-violent means through components such as the press, the libraries, schools, associations and clubs that could all become media for propaganda and homogenisation of the masses. The state and the civil society in his purview are inextri cably linked, which only facilitates subordination by the state without coercion, focussing instead on ‘manufacturing consent. However, he does acknowledge the potential of civil society as a site for breeding revolutions and for newer ‘conceptions of the world to take place. However, the manifestation of this fairly utopian concept is fraught with tensions and dichotomies. Ernest Gellner, in Conditions of Liberty, analyses the role of civil society in the Marxist, socialist and capitalist frameworks and has also assessed post-modern rivals to it that have emerged, such as Islam. The Eastern European states found the concept of civil society useful in gaining independence from a Communist stronghold precisely because of the possibility here for mobilisation of the masses in opposition to totalitarian militarist regimes. Through meetings of trade unions, religious groups, bars etc, the emphasis was on autonomy, self-organisation and withdrawal from the state to create islands of civic engagement for the emergence of a ‘parallel polis. For Gellner, a civil society was â€Å"a profane society, a society that explicitly sought to put the lowest of human desires to productive uses. Mandevilles paradox private vices make public virtues naturalized the profane by demonstrating that â€Å"capitalist individuals were more likely to promote the public good when they looked exclusively to their private interest.† He found the Marxist, and therefore the socialist strain of civil society, that stressed on driving religion out of life and also investing the economic with the ultimate sacredness, as faulty for it denied space to the profane, the self-interest and avarice of human nature that could be harnessed and channelled into collective action. With the ‘disenchantment of the world that comes with modernity and its powerful agencies of science and capitalism came the advent of ‘the modular man    who associates voluntarily with other prototypes, giving rise to a Gesellschaft, the inorganic form of social bonding, through fostered ties, rather than a Gemeinschaft, the organic community based on ties of blood and kin. â€Å"The genius of capitalist civil society is that it not only harnesses our profane energies, b ut relieves us of the moral burden of thinking of them as profane. In so doing, it relieves us of the strain of constant longing for unattainable self-transcendence in desperate simulations of paradise,† says Ignatieff. He also observes that liberty in civil society is essentially negative because there cannot be, in principle, agreement among human beings about the positive ends of political communities, beyond the protection of the liberties of the individuals who compose it. If people seek to overcome their own alienation and separateness, they can do so only as individuals or in voluntary groups. Civil society, then, becomes crucial for maintaining checks and balances, says Ignatieff. The realms of politics, economics and culture are neatly segregated, and power in any one domain does not endow power in another. The society is free, acting through a vibrant media and elected representatives, all functioning within the ambit of law. â€Å"Needless to say, no civil society has ever lived up to this goalyet the formal promise is more than hypocrisy: it remains the standard against which civil society judges itself and from which it finds renewed impetus to reform.† In this sense, civil society, albeit being a flawed ideal, also has the potential for redeeming itself simply by virtue of being embedded in the notion of reform, of itself as well as of society, simply by virtue of allowing private trajectories of interest being followed.   Despite changing meanings, civil societys core rests in a rule-governed society based on the consent of individuals. The ‘social contract that Hobbes defined is another way of understanding the liberal ideas behind the conception of civil society through different phases, civil society can be seen as the process or the space through which different individuals negotiate, argue, struggle against or agree with each other and with the centres of political and economic authority. The element of autonomy, voluntariness and collective action through association remain hallmarks through all definitions of the term. Civil Society in India: It would seem natural that civil society, as has been described and conceptualised above is an integral part of a democracy, with its accompanying notions of equality, public participation, and masses-oriented governance. Robert Post and Nancy Rosenblum describe a consensus among contemporary theorists â€Å"that democracy depends on the particularist, self-determining associations of civil society, where independent commitments, interests, and voices, are developed . Civil society is the precondition for democratic decision making, whether democracy is conceived as deliberation or as interest group pluralism, and this is true even if the goal of democracy is to transcend particularism and arrive at uncoerced agreement or a common will.† According to Joerg Forbrig, a vibrant and functional civil society can contribute to strengthening a democracy in five ways: control of state power through the incorporation of a body of laws, individual rights and thereby becoming a space that overlooks the relationship between the pr Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India Civil society is a term oft-repeated in democratic contexts today. Seen as an essential component of the liberal framework of political structures, it is essentially the space of free association for the masses. India, a multicultural democratic country, boasts of a vibrant civil society. At the same time, it also has accusations of being one of the worst offenders of human and civil liberties of some of its people, in the form of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. This chapter seeks to introduce the motivation, hypothesis, methodology and key concepts of this paper. Introduction The spotlight of global affairs and the ‘march to democracy has been on the Middle East in 2011. Mass rebellions against autocratic, unjust and oppressive regimes have swept the region in a sort of domino-effect swarming hordes of people rose up to replace what seemed no more applicable or tolerable in Tunisia to Tahrir Square in Egypt, in a bid to in-state the only form of governance that allowed ‘power to the people i.e. democracy. This phenomenon has come to the West as a pleasant surprise, that have viewed the Islamic world as essentially subject to notions of conservatism, violence and religion all seen as harbingers of a pre-modern past that the West feels it has left behind for good. â€Å"What is happening in Tunisia and Egypt is the completion of the 1989 revolutions the Egyptians are reclaiming the values of the Solidarnosc and the Civic Forum from the neo-liberals who usurped them The people in Tahrir Square and elsewhere are giving us back the meaning of c ivil society a place where people can talk, discuss and act freely,† says Mary Kaldor , examining the notion of civil society and how it has changed since the last time it was picked up from the annals of a rejected history and reinvented to bring monumental political change in Eastern European states. Closer home, the beginning of summer this year has seen a heated campaign against corruption being driven by a single mans Satyagraha Anna Hazare would definitely qualify as a ‘non-entity even by the modest standards of celebration that Indian civil society activists enjoy. Yet, this army truck driver of the 1960s is today the poster-boy of ‘publicness, coming to symbolise the space for mediation and political interference to bring out moral dividends that is the hallmark of a vibrant democracy. Some have called his actions ‘Gandhian, one of the few attempts at reform emerging from among the non-political that post-independence India has seen, otherwise witnessed only in Irom Sharmilas consistent campaign from Manipur against the travails of militarisation of the north-east region and abuse of power that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 has become synonymous with. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which the Indian government has thought fit to implement in two contexts all the North Eastern states and Jammu Kashmir is arguably among the most contentious legislations of post-Independence India. Said to be based on a 1942 British ordinance intended to contain the Indian independence movement (Quit India movement) during World War II, it was enacted as a short-term measure to allow the deployment of the army in Indias north-eastern Naga Hills but since has been in existence for five decades. It has, since then, also been implemented in Jammu Kashmir which has shown violent separatist aspirations since the late 1980s. The Act has been controversial because of the fact that it gives to the armed forces extended powers of action without accountability, which has led to abuse of power and gross violation of human and civil rights, building around it a sense of impunity. In a democratic framework, this move to retain the sovereign integrity of the Indian state has been vociferously derided by people both within and outside these regions. Even though justifications for the laws existence abound from freedom of operation to existence of provisions for accountability and redress within the armed forces set up, the Act in itself has become a symbol of oppression at the hands of the Indian state and therefore a part of the problem, not the solution. Hypothesis This paper attempts to therefore study civil society in India its role and scope with specific focus on this nugget of legislation that has a strong reference to the case of maintaining or violating civil liberty in a democracy. It seeks to analyse the effectiveness of the Indian democracy in this respect, considering whether ‘power to the people is just another catchphrase or if it goes deeper than that. This researcher is of the view that even though the definition of a modern civil society in a multicultural context as India needs to be revisited, and even though largely (as in the case of the AFSPA) political, military, judicial and legislative action has a will of its own, there is scope for activism and there are voices that get heard. The necessity of such a space of negotiation in a democracy cannot be stressed hard enough. The arbitrariness of power, possible marginalisation of the ‘have-nots and the dilemma of national unity versus individual rights need to be examined in the light of modern liberal rhetoric of freedom and equality that are foundational aspects of the Indian constitution. Methodology The study has used both primary and secondary sources of data along with analysis using both the deductive and inductive methods. I have analyzed government records, media reports, library sources, existing literature on the subject, archival data, think-tank reports as well as spoken / interviewed a few primary sources within the civil society. The study has also use information and experience gathered at symposiums, lectures and workshops related to the topic. It has been largely qualitative in approach, since the issue required an exploration of theory and potential policy-making role of civil society in situations of conflict and civil unrest. Chapterisation The paper shall follow this sequence: the first chapter will examine the trajectory of conceptualisation of civil society in the corpus of philosophy and political studies and its relevance globally as well as in India. The second chapter will elaborate upon the Act, the controversy and the issues surrounding it. In the third chapter, I will look at civil society initiatives regarding this aspect, both in terms of humanitarian redressal and rehabilitation and attempts at political negotiation and policy amendment. It will also look critically at the degree to which these initiatives have worked in mitigating the more negative consequences of the law. The last chapter, in conclusion, will critically analyse the role that civil society has played so far in the dynamics of the Indian democracy and the scope for positive change it contains. The rest of this chapter is dedicated to elaborating on the key concepts of this paper: civil society and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Key Concepts Civil Society: It is crucial to understand what civil society in a changed global context means. Historically, it has been understood to mean the public space that exists between the family and the state that seeks to mitigate the preponderance of individualism as well as the ‘tyranny of the majority. Based on principles of voluntarism, association and pluralism and tolerance, this was an imagination that sought to negotiate with power structures in every context it arose in, whether during industrialisation of England where a new bourgeois class of powerful traders emerged that sought to bargain with the state and the Church for power, or in Eastern Europe of the 1980s where a bid to parlay Communism resulted in associational uprising that stemmed out of sports clubs, trade unions, bars and basements. After 1989, civil society got the rejuvenation that had been missing for the past couple of centuries since Marx and Gramsci had derided it as yet another excuse for state/power domination and co-option of the masses. It has since been taken much more seriously, both academically and in its practical application, although consensus on what it constitutes is hard to come by. However, with democracy becoming the chosen form of ‘correct government, where representation and election to power is ‘by the people, for the people and of the people, civil society assumes new meaning as the arena of civilised battle. There is more to a democracy than public participation through ballot-box approval. This, in a nutshell, could be the motive for a functional civil society.   However, the proprietorship of the West over the concept of civil society is often criticised. By linking it with modernity, it is seen to be a concept both inherently Western and also as the Wests boon to the world. Ernest Gellner paints civil society as the space of the profane that gives freedom to the baser aspects of human beings and their relationships. Having associated it with capitalist liberalism, he posits many upcoming rivals to it such as Islam, Asiatic capitalism, fierce nationalism- leading one to believe that this essentially Western notion is one under threat from more preponderant forces in different parts of the world that do not essentially derive from rationality. Mary Kaldor finds in this a patronising approach of the entire West, evident also in US and Europes response to the upheaval in the Middle East. She observes that there already exists a term for civil society in Arabic Almujtamaa Almadani and therefore finds that the concept has more antiquated roots than otherwise presumed. To offset this overlordism, she says, â€Å"Instead of imposing yet another neo-liberal formula, western countries and institutions should consult the people of the Middle East about how they can help to construct a fairer, more sustainable economy. Instead of giving governments money to buy western weapons, they could discuss with civil society how they could help to restructure the armed forces to provide human security, to establish civilian control over the military, and to convert the substantial military industries to peaceful uses.† Ruminating on the changed idea of civil society, she says disappointedly, â€Å"After 1989, everyone celebrated the idea of civil society. But it was rapidly reduced within the framework of neo-liberal thinking to mean western-supported NGOs who would help to smooth the path of neo-liberal transition.† In the post-Cold War phase, since the world has gone more global, the meaning of civil society has veered towards international-level cooperation and institutionalism, through NGOs, forums, transnational networks of activities to work on a ‘global humanitarian regime. It has now become a buzzword relating to democracies, liberalism, neo-liberalism, anti-war movements, global justice and so on, and thereby is seen as a platform inhabited by activists of all sorts. In the normative sense, civil society is and always has been seen as the arena where consent is generated for and in opposition to concentrated authority. In the descriptive sense, or in considering what all should be included in this realm, lies the tensions should regulatory bodies such as the UN and the World Bank be considered part of civil society? Should one include international NGOs that depend on government funding? Does civil society include religious or ethnic organisations? Does it include militant or sece ssionist organisations that are fighting against an oppressive state or for some defined nationalism? As the concerns that occupy minds in a global world change (such as todays preoccupations include AIDS, landmines, terrorism, nuclear disarmament/disaster, receding water levels etc), the definitions of all realms of society would change too. This paper, taking insights from the corpus of philosophy on the subject, defines civil society as the associational space, lying between the family, state and market, where autonomous individuals voluntarily come together to define and pursue common goals to reap collective benefits. Schmitters definition of civil society, as a set or system of self-organised intermediary groups that: (1) are relatively independent of both public authorities and private units of production and reproduction, that is, of firms and families; (2) are capable of deliberating about and taking collective actions in defence or promotion of their interests or passions; (3) do not seek to replace either state agents or private (re)producers or to accept responsibility fo r governing the polity as a whole; and (4) agree to act within pre-established rules of a civil, i.e. mutually respectful, nature. It is civil society based on the four characteristics of dual autonomy, collective action, nonusurpation and civility that this paper will refer to. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA): The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is a law, enacted by the Parliament of India, to meet violent internal situations created by underground militant outfits to further their illegal and ‘unconstitutional causes. The law was enacted to provide necessary powers and legal support to the Armed forces for carrying out proactive operations against the militants in a highly hostile environment that was threatening the integrity and sovereignty of the Indian nation-state. The Act dates back to September 11, 1958, when the Parliament of India passed the act bestowing more power on the armed forces in â€Å"disturbed areas†. First introduced in the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, the Act was later extended to Jammu and Kashmir as the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 in July 1990. The Act allows an officer of the armed forces to fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in contravention of any law against assembly of five or more persons or possession of deadly weapons, to arrest without a warrant and with the use of necessary force anyone who has committed certain offenses or is suspected of having done so, to enter and search any premise in order to make such arrests. The act also bestows legal immunity to the officials, which means that they cannot be sued or prosecuted. While the law was enacted to mitigate militant action, violence and to quell secessionist tendencies that violated the essence of the Indian union, it has since inception over half a century ago turned into a controversial aspect of governance in the country. An increasing militarisation of areas branded as ‘disturbed and a consequent violation of human rights and civil liberties has resulted in a worsening of conditions in both the regions it has been applied to. Instead of bringing about greater cohesion, or of managing to bring the north-east and Jammu Kashmir peacefully into the fold of the Indian union, the law has become just another reason for the strengthening of secessionist demands. This is in contradiction with the reasoning given for consistent political will to keep the Act in place in the two regions: in a response to the United Nations Human Rights Committee questioning the validity of the AFSPA under the Indian law and in light of Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR, the Attorney General of India responded that the AFSPA is a necessary measure to prevent the secession of the North Eastern states. He said that a response to this agitation for secession in the North East had to be done on a war footing. He argued that the Indian Constitution, in Article 355, made it the duty of the Central Government to protect the states from internal disturbance and that there is no duty under international law to allow secession.â€Å"The shrill rhetoric demanding that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act be repealed, if allowed to hold sway, may drive us deeper into the dark world of both Islamist terror and the Maoist insurgency, † Brigadier S K Chatterji (retd) has warned more recently. The primary issue of controversy here is the violation of human and civil rights. According to a Human Rights Watch report, the act is in violation in the following respects: The right to life is violated by section 4(a) of the AFSPA, which grants the armed forces power to shoot to kill in law enforcement situations without regard to international human rights law restrictions on the use of lethal force. The right to liberty and security of person is violated by section 4(c) of the AFSPA, which fails to protect against arbitrary arrest by allowing soldiers to arrest anyone merely on suspicion that a â€Å"cognizable offence† has already taken place or is likely to take place in the future. Further, the AFSPA provides no specific time limit for handing arrested persons to the nearest police station. The right to remedy is violated by section 6 of the AFSPA, which provides officers who abuse their powers under the AFSPA with immunity from legal accountability. This section of th e AFSPA prohibits even state governments from initiating legal proceedings against the armed forces on behalf of their population without central government approval. Since such a sanction is seldom granted, it has in effect provided a shield of immunity for armed forces personnel implicated in serious abuses. In practice the AFSPA also facilitates violation of the right to be free from torture, and from cruel or degrading treatment. Since the AFSPA provides powers to arrest without warrant and then detain arrested persons for unspecified amounts of time, the armed forces routinely engage in torture and other ill-treatment during interrogation in army barracks. However, the support from within the armed forces and certain other sections of the political and academic circles is strong for the continuance of this act. Northern Army Commander General Jaswal in Jammu Kashmir gave the following reasoning: I would like to say that the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Power Act are very pious to me and I think to entire Indian ArmyWe have religious books, there are certain guidelines which are given there, but all the members of the religion do not follow it, they break it also, does it imply that you remove the religious book or you remove this chap. My take on it is to find someone guilty, take him to task, but dont touch this pious document or provision of the Armed Forces Special Power Act giving the similarity to religious book.† In the past couple of months Army has argued that without the Act it will not be able to launch proactive operations. The Army will also not be able to use force except in self-defence and not have powers to destroy ammunition dumps and IEDs. The army also says that a majority of human rights abuse cases are found to be false and those found true have been severely dealt with. Human rights activists have however contended time and again that the Act gives excessive powers to the soldiers. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has said in recent past that there is a need to revoke the Act since it is prone to abuse. One of the grounds that the citizens have stated is that the people arrested or otherwise detained should be allowed to plead their case under section 130 and 131 of the Criminal Code. The Article 21 of the Constitution also gets violated in the process. In spite of the various cases filed and protests initiated there has been no revocation or dialogue towards the same. The issue revolving the AFSPA is that the principle of national integrity and sovereignty is in direct conflict with the liberal democratic frameworks of human rights and the civil society has the potential to the site for this negotiation. This is the premise under which the rest of this paper seeks to examine how the civil society and the Indian state have sought to deal with the AFSPA. CIVIL SOCIETY This Chapter seeks to chart the history of philosophy on civil society, in political sciences and social sciences. It will then look at civil society in India specifically, in todays context, and some of the major criticisms levelled against the concept and its real-time manifestation. Civil Society: The Concept At the abstract level, civil society has historically been conceptualised as a mediating space between the family, state and recently, also separate from the market. It is the site of association, voluntariness and community engagement, set apart from the politics and compulsions of the state as well as the individuality and liberty of the family. Bruce Sievers identifies seven strands that go into the making of civil society: nonprofit and voluntary institutions, individual rights, rule of law, the common good, philanthropy, freedom of expression and tolerance. Emerging in the context of the 18th century industrialisation rampant in Europe that gave rise to a new class of bourgeoisie and the new ideas of utilitarianism and capitalism, civil society gets inextricably linked with libertarian ideals that seek to carve out spaces for autonomous action in every individual and societal aspect.   â€Å"A ‘civil society was civilized and ordered by the rule of law. Unlike tribal so ciety, it was also large-scale and held together by impersonal bonds of interest rather than ties of kin and blood. It was also, to a degree some found frightening, a self-correcting mechanism in which the selfish actions of myriad individuals, brought together only by the rule of law, managed to produce an orderly and dynamic accumulation of prosperity unprecedented in human history,† observes Michael Ignatieff The importance of social engagement and principle of tolerance have only gained more importance in a globalised world that is characterised by multi-cultural, multi-ethnic nations. Robert Putnam identifies civic engagement, dense networks of interaction, political equality, solidarity, trust and tolerance and a strong associational life as crucial to the generation of ‘social capital the resource that could help to facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit in societies. He says that networks of civic engagement foster norms of generalised reciprocity, encourage the emergence of social trust, facilitate communication, collaboration and therefore collective action on common dilemmas and endorse the idea of collective benefits. Through its history, a number of philosophers have vouched for and expanded upon this realm of an advanced society. Alexis de Tocqueville , in Democracy in America, says that Americas answer to the problem of limiting the absolutist state was to have a constitution defined in law and protected by a counterbalancing force of independent bodies. These were the local associations of citizens acting together in the affairs of daily life. This was a civil society engaged in politics, voluntary by nature. His idea of civil society was based in the observation of an absolute sovereignty of the majority, but this principle, which could just as well turn into a tyranny of the majority, was also mitigated through a non-centralised frame of governance that set importance to localised chains of command and responsibility. Civicness emerged in America, he observed, through the relentless formation of associations: â€Å"Americans of all ages, all stations in life, and all types of disposition ar e forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different typesreligious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. . . . Nothing, in my view, deserves more attention than the intellectual and moral associations in America.† Civil Society, for Hegel , is the site that lies between the Family and the State in the Ethical Life, as described in his Philosophy of Right. It is the site where the ‘determination of particularity as per individual rights is given free rein, but which has to acquire a mantle of universality for the rights to become acquirable or even legitimate, so to speak. Here, therefore, are two elements: the concrete person who is out to pursue self-interest and personal motive, and the form of universality, or the generation of common motive, through forming bonds and finding over-lapping areas of interest. A particular end, therefore, assumes the form of universality through this relation to other people, and it is attained in the simultaneous attainment of the welfare of others. It has three dimensions: the system of needs, the administration of justice and the police and the corporation. The system of needs refers to the generation of ‘universal human capital through human beings exceptional capacity to generate needs and spot commonness with others and then to satisfy those needs through work and labour. A single persons particularity of interest can be recognised if he manages to associate himself with one sphere of the needs. The administration of justice is the principle of rightness that becomes universally known through a public legal code. Not only does this embed within the principle of freedom in both subjective individual and universal platforms, it also makes wrongdoing an infringement on the people that live within such an ethical life. The polizei, then, is the bearer and the guardian of this publicly generated and accepted principles of right, the public authority that also looks after public utilities and regulation activities as well. The corporation, on the other hand, is the arrangement whereby common interests are brought to fore through voluntary association as in sports or religious clubs etc. All these aspects together form the civil society for Hegel, the space where freedom of self-interest is allowed to reign but within the limits of the principle of universality.   Antonio Gramsci, however, had a more critical view of civil society, from a Marxist vantage point. He saw civil society not as the benign space that afforded a voice and power to the masses, but as an instrument of domination linked in an unholy alliance with the bourgeois elements in the civil society seeking to protect propertied interests . He was also convinced that the intricate, organic relationships between civil society and political society enable certain strata of society not only to gain dominance within the state but also, and more importantly, to maintain it, perpetuating the subalternity of other strata. In other words, the site of hegemony was civil society it was the arena wherein the ruling class extends and reinforces its power by non-violent means through components such as the press, the libraries, schools, associations and clubs that could all become media for propaganda and homogenisation of the masses. The state and the civil society in his purview are inextri cably linked, which only facilitates subordination by the state without coercion, focussing instead on ‘manufacturing consent. However, he does acknowledge the potential of civil society as a site for breeding revolutions and for newer ‘conceptions of the world to take place. However, the manifestation of this fairly utopian concept is fraught with tensions and dichotomies. Ernest Gellner, in Conditions of Liberty, analyses the role of civil society in the Marxist, socialist and capitalist frameworks and has also assessed post-modern rivals to it that have emerged, such as Islam. The Eastern European states found the concept of civil society useful in gaining independence from a Communist stronghold precisely because of the possibility here for mobilisation of the masses in opposition to totalitarian militarist regimes. Through meetings of trade unions, religious groups, bars etc, the emphasis was on autonomy, self-organisation and withdrawal from the state to create islands of civic engagement for the emergence of a ‘parallel polis. For Gellner, a civil society was â€Å"a profane society, a society that explicitly sought to put the lowest of human desires to productive uses. Mandevilles paradox private vices make public virtues naturalized the profane by demonstrating that â€Å"capitalist individuals were more likely to promote the public good when they looked exclusively to their private interest.† He found the Marxist, and therefore the socialist strain of civil society, that stressed on driving religion out of life and also investing the economic with the ultimate sacredness, as faulty for it denied space to the profane, the self-interest and avarice of human nature that could be harnessed and channelled into collective action. With the ‘disenchantment of the world that comes with modernity and its powerful agencies of science and capitalism came the advent of ‘the modular man    who associates voluntarily with other prototypes, giving rise to a Gesellschaft, the inorganic form of social bonding, through fostered ties, rather than a Gemeinschaft, the organic community based on ties of blood and kin. â€Å"The genius of capitalist civil society is that it not only harnesses our profane energies, b ut relieves us of the moral burden of thinking of them as profane. In so doing, it relieves us of the strain of constant longing for unattainable self-transcendence in desperate simulations of paradise,† says Ignatieff. He also observes that liberty in civil society is essentially negative because there cannot be, in principle, agreement among human beings about the positive ends of political communities, beyond the protection of the liberties of the individuals who compose it. If people seek to overcome their own alienation and separateness, they can do so only as individuals or in voluntary groups. Civil society, then, becomes crucial for maintaining checks and balances, says Ignatieff. The realms of politics, economics and culture are neatly segregated, and power in any one domain does not endow power in another. The society is free, acting through a vibrant media and elected representatives, all functioning within the ambit of law. â€Å"Needless to say, no civil society has ever lived up to this goalyet the formal promise is more than hypocrisy: it remains the standard against which civil society judges itself and from which it finds renewed impetus to reform.† In this sense, civil society, albeit being a flawed ideal, also has the potential for redeeming itself simply by virtue of being embedded in the notion of reform, of itself as well as of society, simply by virtue of allowing private trajectories of interest being followed.   Despite changing meanings, civil societys core rests in a rule-governed society based on the consent of individuals. The ‘social contract that Hobbes defined is another way of understanding the liberal ideas behind the conception of civil society through different phases, civil society can be seen as the process or the space through which different individuals negotiate, argue, struggle against or agree with each other and with the centres of political and economic authority. The element of autonomy, voluntariness and collective action through association remain hallmarks through all definitions of the term. Civil Society in India: It would seem natural that civil society, as has been described and conceptualised above is an integral part of a democracy, with its accompanying notions of equality, public participation, and masses-oriented governance. Robert Post and Nancy Rosenblum describe a consensus among contemporary theorists â€Å"that democracy depends on the particularist, self-determining associations of civil society, where independent commitments, interests, and voices, are developed . Civil society is the precondition for democratic decision making, whether democracy is conceived as deliberation or as interest group pluralism, and this is true even if the goal of democracy is to transcend particularism and arrive at uncoerced agreement or a common will.† According to Joerg Forbrig, a vibrant and functional civil society can contribute to strengthening a democracy in five ways: control of state power through the incorporation of a body of laws, individual rights and thereby becoming a space that overlooks the relationship between the pr